ÐÏࡱá>þÿ QSþÿÿÿPÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿì¥Á‘ ð¿Ñ+bjbjÉåÉå 4F«�«�Ã# ÿÿÿÿÿÿ·îîîîîÿÿÿÿ8:TŽTRªªªªªªªªËÍÍÍÍÍÍ,¦²X^ùªªªùðîðððªFîªîªËðªËðð‡Óÿÿÿÿ€” OÑÿÿÿÿðŸ·$0T§,¶ð¶ÓðîÓ䪪ªùù𪪪Tÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿ¶ªªªªªªªªª– ´:   ‘From deficit accounts to reductionist targets: a brief history of underachievement’ Terry Wrigley, 2016, for ºÚÁÏÍø911 Commission on Poverty and Policy Advocacy The connection between social class / poverty and underachievement is beyond dispute but the explanations are highly debatable. It is helpful to outline the history. The dominant 19th Century view was that low educational achievement for working-class children was appropriate - that schools should fit people for their ‘place’ in society. (Education in Scotland developed somewhat differently, of course.) The rise of the Labour movement made it impossible to sustain this view, at least openly. It is last seen in official documents around 1906 (Cowburn 1986). The ruling class soon adopted the explanation that children had fixed levels of ‘intelligence’ genetically inherited from their parents. Tests were developed which purported to measure innate intelligence but not surprisingly, the children of more affluent and better educated parents were generally more successful. This enabled more advantaged families to maintain their position, whilst enabling the most promising working-class children to fill some of the gaps left by the terrible loss of life and talent in the First World War. Free secondary education was provided for those working-class children who could pass the ‘scholarship’ exam at age 11, though many (including my own parents) couldn’t take up grammar school places because they couldn’t even afford the school uniform. The fiction that intelligence tests measured innate intelligence was upheld for around half a century even though it was clear that scores improved through practice. By the 1960s the edifice collapsed, aided by the demise of eugenic beliefs (c1945), the campaign for comprehensive schools (Simon, 1953) and the discrediting of Cyril Burt’s adopted twins studies (Rose, Lewontin and Kamin 1984). A dramatic shift to language deficit arguments occurred, in various forms but including assumptions that working class parents didn’t speak to their children or only in limited ways. The vernacular syntax was regarded as illogical (“We ain’t got none”), and manual workers and their families were thought incapable of providing explicit accounts of less immediate events, thus hindering learning in school. A more sympathetic version, based on Bernstein’s (1971) argument that manual worker families spoke only about what was immediately visible, and lacked the syntax needed to explain distant events or provide abstract arguments. The working class family’s ‘restricted code’ led to educational difficulties. A crude and deeply prejudicial professional mythology arose, including the frequent argument that ‘those parents smack children instead of talking to them’ so that ‘they arrive at school with no language’. It excused the profession from asking questions about the different styles of teaching which different children were exposed to. Critics (eg Barnes et al 1969) demonstrated that much language usage in schools was itself restricted (children had limited opportunities for extended speech; questions are mostly closed and low-level questions etc). Harold Rosen (1972) pointed out that working-class communities regularly discuss ‘distant’ matters, particularly in areas of intense industrial struggle and political development. Language deficit was sited within wider notions of cultural deprivation, as Oscar Lewis’ observations (1966) were applied to the USA (for powerful counter-arguments, see Leacock ed, 1971). A more antagonistic version, reunited with genetic intelligence, was the concept of Underclass (Herrnstein and Murray 1994), perpetuated in the Conservative media and politicians’ portrayal of benefit claimants and troubled neighbourhoods (Jones 2011). (NB critique in McDonald and Marsh 2005) A later offshoot of the cultural deprivation argument is the assertion that young people and their parents fail due to lack of aspirations. This pays too little attention to the impact of demoralising experiences, lack of opportunities and difficulties envisaging and navigating towards unfamiliar goals (Bok 2010). Whilst older theories lose dominance, they may persist as tacit assumptions or professional habit, for example the practice of dividing children by “ability” early in primary school. The growth of high-stakes accountability systems since around 1990s has resulted in a strange twist to the deficit arguments, namely a (partial) shift from ‘blame the victims’ to ‘blame their teachers’. Paradoxically, the two positions can co-exist: teachers are blamed for failing to teach the unteachable. Moving beyond blame The challenge is to pay serious regard to the impact of poverty without collapsing into deficit accounts of children, families or neighbourhoods, and to take seriously the urgency for schools to respond without blaming teachers. This requires a more dialectical or interactional understanding of school-in-society. We can accept that poverty may have cultural effects, as people adapt in ways which are ultimately damaging (fatalistic coping, for example), but without regarding ‘underclass’ culture as the primary generator of poverty. Ethnographies portray widespread emotions of shame and futility, whilst some schools have managed to engage with the task of countering these through a school culture of empowerment (Wrigley 2000). One can uphold this view without accepting that schools are to blame for underachievement. Bourdieu’s cultural capital is a theory of exchange and mis/recognition, not of cultural deficiency. Goffman’s particular version of symbolic interactionism (esp 1968) also offers a theoretical resource for exploring the mutual misinterpretations which can occur as young people move between school and homes. An important understanding from the USA is the tendency, in poorer locations and lower streams, for students to receive a tedious, unchallenging curriculum: ‘pedagogies of poverty’ (Haberman 1991; but first analysed by Anyon 1981). Understanding the dynamics (expectations, pressures) which generate this helps us avoid castigating teachers. Nevertheless, it remains fundamentally important to overcome this. The irony is that the very systems which are supposedly designed to ‘close the gap’ are actively encouraging such ‘pedagogies of poverty’. In Haberman’s words “The overly directive, mind-numbing, mundane, useless, anti-intellectual acts that constitute teaching not only remain the coin of the realm but have become the gold standard (2010: 45). (A similar point is made by Andy Hargreaves 2003 in his work on school change.) In effect, this reductionist version of ‘school improvement’, based on anaemic understandings of education, places far too much emphasis on ensuring that students hit trivial targets; the rote learning which results does little to support cognitive development or the aesthetic, ethical and political aspects of rich learning, let along a broader struggle for a just society. References Anyon, J (1981) Social class and school knowledge. Curriculum Inquiry 11(1), 3-43 Barnes, D, Britton, J, Rosen H and LATE (1969) Language, the learner and the school. Harmondsworth: Penguin Bernstein,, B (1971) Class, codes and control. Vol 1: Theoretical studies towards a sociology of language. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Bok, J (2010) The capacity to aspire to higher education: “It’s like making them do a play without a script.” Critical Studies in Education 51(2), 163-178 Cowburn, W (1986) Class, ideology and community education. London: Croom Helm Goffman, E (1961) Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates. New York: Doubleday Haberman,, M (1991) The pedagogy of poverty versus good teaching. Phi Delta Kappan 73(4), 290-294 Haberman, M (2010) Eleven consequences of failing to address the “pedagogy of poverty”. Phi Delta Kappan 92(2), 45 Hargreaves, A (2003) Professional learning communities and performance training cults: The emerging apartheid of school improvement. In A Harris et al (ed) Effective leadership for school improvement (pp180-195). London: RoutledgeFalmer Herrnstein, R and Murray, C (1994) The bell curve: The reshaping of American life by difference in intelligence. New York: Free Press Jones, O (2011) Chavs: The demonization of the working class. London: Verso Leacock, E ed (1971) The culture of poverty: a critique. New York: Simon and Schuster Lewis, O (1966) La Vida: A Puerto Rican family in the culture of poverty – San Juan and New York. New York: Random House. MacDonald, R and Marsh, J (2005) Disconnected youth? Growing up in Britain’s poor neighbourhoods. Basingstoke: Palgrave Rose, S, Lewontin, R and Kamin, L (1984) Not in our genes: Biology, ideology and human nature. London: Penguin Rosen, H (1972) Language and class: A critical look at the theories of Basil Bernstein. Bristol: Falling Wall Simon, B (1953) Intelligence testing and the comprehensive school. London: Lawrence and Wishart Wrigley, T (2000) The power to learn: Stories of success in the education of Asian and other bilingual pupils. 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